Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Nepal
Organized by Nepal Foundation for Advanced
Studies (NEFAS) and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES)
7 October 2007, Lalitpur
Excerpts of the discussion
Chairperson Mohan Man Sainju
Ananda Srestha's address:
Much has happened on Nepal's political front in the last two
years, especially after the seven political parties and the
Maoists signed the Peace Accord prior to assuming power. As
of now, the country has been declared a secular state, the King
stripped of all powers and the Prime minister of Nepal now stands
as the most powerful in the nation's history. The Maoists who
spearheaded the Jana Andolan 2 joined the government
only to withdraw a couple of months later on grounds of irreconcilable
differences with the other partners in government. And in
addition, the much-touted Constituent Assembly polls, believed
to be the panacea for all the country's political ills, have
been postponed for the second time.
As a result, the Nepali people today have
become disillusioned with the multi party dispensation that
virtually swept the country off its feet with the success of
the movement for the restoration for democracy in 1990. In just
a span of some seventeen years this aversion towards the most
popular and coveted form of governance came about primarily
because of democratic norms and values being thrown to the winds
by the new leadership. The various governments the country saw
and experienced in these years were far from satisfactory and
the tolerance and loud silence exhibited by the silent majority
in spite of all odds and hardships has indeed been phenomenal.
This not only gave the license to our leaders to continue
taking the people for granted, but also in the process did a
serious disservice to democracy, human rights and the rule of
Today even after the eight party government
(now seven with Maoists having opted out) lawlessness and chaotic
law and order situation continues to reign supreme. The recent
spate of bombings in Kathmandu, the Kapilavastu carnage and
another bomb explosion outside the Japanese embassy in Pani
Pokhari are some cases in point. Add to these the just recent
twice-postponed CA elections that the people pinned their hopes
on all along, and we are back to where we started - back to
square one. The mercurial rise and fall in the country's political
temperature has not only relegated to the back seat the people's
desire and their hope for peace and stability, but sidelined
crucial issues like rehabilitation of the displaced and the
rebuilding of infrastructures destroyed during the Maoist insurgency.
Moreover, it has also dampened people's hopes for true democracy,
social justice and the rule of law within an all-inclusive social
It is at this point in time that this seminar
is being organized to search for ideas on post conflict issues.
I hope you all actively contribute to the discussion.
Dev Raj Dahal: If we take the Maoists
as the source of conflict, then the title of the seminar may
make sense, as they have entered the peace process. But, if
we take up other conflicting actors, then we are yet to come
out of the myriad conflicts to be able to talk about post-conflict
Post conflict reconstruction has to take into
account the peace building measures and issues related with
the drivers of the conflict. We find that politics still appears
to be a zero-sum game as the political actors are solely interested
in power and self-interest and do not appear to be bothered
about the resulting anarchy. This is ignoring the aspiration
of the sovereign people.
Relief, humanitarian and other short term
measures are part of the reconstruction process. Besides that,
planned activities like development and decentralization must
be given continuity. But, there are also issues that need special
initiatives like the peace committees and the truth and reconciliation
commission. The actors must be able to feel that their issues
are being resolved, for example, integration of the armed fighters.
There are a lot of grey areas here that have not been clarified
Chairperson Mohan Man Sainju: Post-conflict
issues are related with the physical dimension of reconstruction.
The addresses by Srestha and Dahal have clarified the objective
of the seminar. Not just reconstruction and relief, but the
political process must also be taken into account while discussing
post-conflict issues. The positive side of the Nepalese peace
process is that it has given us an initiative to create a new
structure for the first time in history.
In the past 50 years, world GDP has grown
by the fastest rate ever, but has also increased the gap between
the rich and then poor in historical proportions. This means
that we are left with great challenges along with the opportunities
available. Global political initiatives merely talk about military
security but there has been growing realization that human security
also needs to be taken up. We find marginalization as a great
bottleneck for achieving that human development. Hence, the
current political actors talking about inclusion as an objective
is a good thing.
People sometimes say that Nepal gained a lot
without losing much in the course of the conflict, but it should
be remembered that we lost 13,000 lives. It is true that other
countries lost more lives and have still not achieved peace.
But the value of even one life lost is incalculable.
We did see that foreign forces were involved
in the peace process but it could not be perceivable directly,
like the Norwegian involvement in the Sri Lankan peace process.
The most affected sectors of Nepal's conflict
are the rural areas, the marginalized groups and sectors. Suspension
bridges, health posts, primary schools, small hydel projects
were the targets for destruction during the conflict years.
These are all vital day-to-day needs of the rural areas.
Children were the most affected even among
the marginalized sections- their psychology has borne incalculable
losses. There must be ways to deal with how to bring them to
the mainstream. I hope the papers will deal with these issues.
This might be the first seminar that is talking so broadly of
In the one and a half years of the peace process,
we see that our performance record in terms of reconstruction
has been very poor. If the concerned stakeholders and consumers
are included in post conflict reconstruction, we can build on
the gains we made in the involvement of the community in our
development efforts, like in community forestry.
Reconciliation through peace councils and
the like are equally important in bringing ideological extremes
to moderation. In Nepal, the extreme has even taken the ethnic
and regional dimensions threatening the very fabric of national
Lastly, we must ensure that our reconstruction
efforts are lasting and sustainable.
Working Session I
Presentation: Bharat Pokhrel
Chair: Bihari Krishna Srestha
Bharat Pokhrel's paper deals with the economics surrounding
issues involving post-conflict reconstruction. He lumps development
needs and the needs brought about by destruction during conflict
and prescribes a careful path between donor conditionalities,
policies induced by global economic reform efforts, and the
carrying capacity of the economy manifested in the post-conflict
shortage of capital- both human and financial.
The paper recommends caution in the post-reconstruction
tasks by giving examples of the various post-conflict scenarios
throughout the world so that Nepal can avoid the mistakes those
countries made and follow the successes they gained.
He also lists the damages that Nepal suffered
in terms of physical infrastructure and hints at the social
and psychological damages that Nepalese had to bear because
of the armed conflict. The author finally advocates measures
to mitigate such hardships through reconciliation processes
and social rehabilitation, side by side with the imperatives
of development and reconstruction.
Prem Sharma: The paper should have
linked the discussion with current post-conflict governance
Laxmi Kesari Manandhar: A review of
the tasks underway to reconstruct the destroyed infrastructure
should have given us a practical perspective.
Women and children are also victims of the
conflict. Inclusion of private sector and NGO reconstruction
efforts would have provided a broader picture.
Bijaya Srestha: Discussion of reconstruction
efforts elsewhere should have been provided by the author for
comparison and as examples for Nepal to follow. Not just physical
reconstruction, but social reconstruction too, like women's
role, should have been included in the paper.
How do we involve women in the integration
Ram Kumar Dahal: You talk of the need
for donor focus. What are the priorities you would list for
Indu Pokhrel: Is the conflict actually
Secondly, you talk of rehabilitation. There
are two aspects to this: Rehabilitation of those displaced by
the conflict and the rehabilitation of services. For rehabilitation,
there must be peace, able government, and an environment free
of fear. How can there be rehabilitation in today's environment?
The paper does not deal with the specialized rehabilitation
needs during such a situation.
If we reconstruct without consideration to
the existing environment, we will reach nowhere. Even if the
donor comes to help us in our efforts, nothing is going to be
achieved in terms of social losses, something only the state
can take up.
Shova Gautam: I think we are merely
in a transitional phase, and not in a post-conflict state. The
issues taken up today should have been issues relevant for the
I too believe that the gender perspective
should be a priority. You should have also talked of the reconstruction
of the psychology. Women's issues should have been taken up.
Lal Babu Yadav: Did globalization and
privatization have any role in resulting in the conflict? The
paper should have discussed the initiatives of the government
towards that end as well.
Women and children are the biggest victims.
What are the initiatives to deal with that particular problem?
Also, if you had taken up the Madhes issue,
it would have enlightened me.
Keshav Khadka: The paper's survey of
the international scene is good. But the background leading
to it is not impressive.
Regarding costs, we have paid very high, especially
in terms of social costs. There is conflict among various groups.
Going to one part of the country from another has become virtually
impossible. This is an irreparable loss for our nationhood.
Regarding economics, what are the issues that
we need to address? The defence spending rose during the conflict
years. Was it justified? How has it impacted on the investment
sector, especially on reconstruction projects?
WFP's food-for-work programme is paying only
three kilos of rice per day [21 rupees per kilo] less than the
minimum wage, but people are enthusiastically working to build
roads and the like.
Two post-conflict budgets have already been
announced and we have not assessed the state of the reconstruction
projects. The existing reconstruction picture would have provided
us the wherewithal to find new directions to go.
Mohan Lohani: You contradict yourself
when you prescribe a heavy dose of foreign aid in reconstruction
and again say that we should not be dependent on aid.
Also, are we in the post conflict age? Because,
there is still the environment which instills fear in us?
Regarding the community approach, Chuda Bahadur Thapa has come
out with his thesis on the issue in detail.
Ganga Bahadur Thapa: Economic development
could prevent violent conflict but not the inherent conflict;
hence all approaches must be taken up simultaneously. Our conflict
was political, violent and aimed at taking over the reins of
power. It is not going to be resolved easily. Marxists have
not become vegetarians so far, and the traditional forces are
bent on using force in the conventional sense. Hence, talk of
a post-conflict situation might be too premature at the moment.
But discussion should not harm anyone.
Chuda Bahadur Thapa: Are the infrastructure
damages that you included in the paper only the pre-April ones
or also those that occurred afterwards. The damages should be
classified as those that occurred pre-2006, during the 19-day
movement and the post movement destruction.
We need foreign examples. In East Timor, the
government led to failure of the preace process. In Haiti, too,
the peace initiative could not reach its conclusion. South Korea
and Malaysia should serve as better examples with regard to
Rehabilitation and service delivery should
be taken up simultaneously. Not even minor services have been
delivered in these years.
We know that donors are involved in corruption
in post-conflict projects.
Achyut Rajbhandari: I, too, think that
the governance aspect should have been looked into as it is
the delivery window of any political system. In Nepal, we see
that even after political changes the same governments continue
to rule, whether you talk of the 1951 change or the 1991 one.
Conflict is not just the result of lapses
in service delivery but also in the rearrangement of inter-people
relations. For example, Article 35 of the constitution has continued
to work ever since 1950. Everything has continued they way they
did before, whether it is the bureaucracy or the executive.
If we want to talk of the post-conflict situation, should not
changes actually take place to address the root causes of the
Jitendra Dhoj Khand: The over 30,000 Maoist fighters
need to be rehabilitated for the conflict to be over. At the
moment, they have entered the cities from the rural forests.
If we can utilize all the rivers in Nepal,
we can develop every part of the nation any way we want to.
The fighters cannot be reintegrated to the
Nepalese army, but they can be utilized for the development
of the nation just as water resources can be.
The government has not even removed the terrorist
tag off of the Maoists.
The DNA of the political leaders must be checked
to find out whether they are criminally minded or they are actually
honest people geared to resolve the problems of the country.
We have seen civilian coups taking place in
Nepal throughout history.
India made a mistake by inciting the Maoists,
as this has put guns in every Nepali hand.
Mohammad Habibullah: We need to first understand
the nature of the conflict. It is different from those in Africa.
The examples you give are not contextual. We have taken UN's
help but they have not contributed to the resolution. We are
still in the beginning phase of the conflict to be able to talk
about a post-conflict situation. One conflict is between those
in power and the powerless and another one between the haves
and have nots.
We have not been able to address the root
cause of the conflict. Mere talking about the removal of the
king by 480 persons will not reduce the level of conflict.
If the Nepalese army is for the country's
defence, the country does not even need demarcated borders as
they can take care of any pending attacks. Four million Indians
have been given Nepalese citizenship but people in the Madhesh
have not received them. The distribution of the document was
not done by people from the Madhesh, but by those from the hills.
You talk of reconstruction in a place where
we still have Jung Bahadur's institutions functioning.
Lambasting the Maoist Young Communist League
is not productive. What can those who have not passed high school
do except what they are already doing? What do you expect? Political
leaders are beating their own drums and are not thinking about
finding the real resolution.
Surendra KC: The paper does not talk
of the plight the Nepalese economy is going through. The white
elephants called public enterprises that the government is taking
upon itself to manage, people going abroad for employment and
huge amounts of foreign debts are issues that must be taken
up. We have such incapable government that makes us wonder whether
reconstruction can take place at all. Jailed women have not
been spared of rape in prison. The army did not even budge while
24 persons were killed in Kapilvastu right outside their barracks.
A Maoist woman leader recently said that inclusiveness
has meant inclusiveness of wives of their political leaders.
If this is the case with revolutionary women, what of others?
Can reconstruction take place under such circumstances?
Why should the Nepal Oil Corporation be paying
250 million rupees interest? Just give one reason why the Nepal
airlines, or the other corporations, should not be privatized,
especially when we have already done so with profit oriented
The danger is still there that our conflict
has not been over.
Khilanath Dahal: We are supposed to
be in the post-conflict stage but the conflict is continuing.
If we find the root cause of the conflict, we can resolve them.
Social justice and lack of focus on youth are the reasons for
conflict. The push factor on youth to foreign countries must
be addressed. Economic issues must be taken up. Political rehabilitation
in rural areas, the government's own rehabilitation in areas
where it appears absent and people's rehabilitation from places
they have been displaced to are other rehabilitation issues.
Only this will make reconstruction possible. Otherwise not.
We have not addressed the issues of workers
which includes all the marginalized groups. The workers include
those marginalized even among more privileged groups.
Rudra Upadhya: The author has consulted
19 foreign books and papers. You talk of the need to include
the grassroots in reconstruction, but who will take the lead?
Can we use the TU students from rural development faculty and
hand them the responsibility of reconstruction?
If we talk of new Nepal and base our arguments
on the old one, it would not help.
Nine hundred of the 100 doctors that we produce
annually go abroad for work, how will we have rehabilitation
of the health sector in such a situation? Rural youths are going
abroad for work, how will we include them in rural reconstruction?
You talk of unemployment in Haiti, but do not talk about Nepal's
Tourism in Sirubari declined by 67 per cent
because of the conflict.
Political parties are robbing the country
and we do not know whether we have law and order at all. Would
increasing civil service pay actually curb corruption? I think
inheritance law should be abolished for corruption control.
What were the privatization successes that
Please include Ananda Aditya's book called
"Reinventing the State" in your list of references.
Reply by Bharat Pokhrel
Regarding whether we are in a post conflict situation or not,
let me ask you whether a rural farmer still migrates to the
urban area for better opportunity? This transformation of the
lifestyle is what gives rise to conflict. In other words, the
Nepalese conflict has not ended, only its nature has changed
after the Maoists entered the peace process. I agree that the
conflict has not yet settled.
Nepal's conflict has resulted in so much literature
that researchers will find it difficult to navigate through
them to find the essence. I took up authoritative data on the
conflict, so I did not bother with other data published by others
on the same issue. There are about 100 reference books on Nepal's
I agree that the gender issue is a vital one
and needs a proper approach. The government has not included
household chores in the GDP under international pressure and
as a result we do not know the extent of their contribution.
Yes, governance issues must be included in
Regarding the Nepalese army's criteria for
recruitment, we should begin to think about changing those criteria
to suit our needs.
Yes, I agree that we should think about whether
politicians are making a sacrifice while following their professions
or are they merely making investments for future personal benefits?
Can we begin talking of a post conflict era? I feel that there
is a mere reduction of violence, not the end of conflict.
In rural areas, people have devised ways to
skirt around the Maoist intimidation. In such a situation, we
not only need reconstruction, but also incremental development
We can have development despite the government
and also despite the Maoists. A very good example is the community
In Nepal, talking about indigenous people
is not done very accurately. All the different ethnic groups
had migrated to the country from elsewhere in the past. Even
the Newars of Kathmandu are said to have come from Tibet. But
all these groups are being called indigenous these days. In
such a situation, we need a seminar from NEFAS with adequate
research on ethnic issues to put maters right. That has also
been the point raised by many participants today.
Working Session I
How Inclusive Nepal's Institutions?
Presentation: Santa Bahadur Pun
Chair: Guna Nidhi Sharma
Santa Bahadur Pun's paper looks for roots of exclusionary policies
in the state structure and begins in the unification era of
Nepal before proceeding to modern-day Nepal. He sees King Ram
Shah adopting an inclusive policy in terms of the diversity
of people he ruled, but sees him not being able to break the
tradition of favouring the Bahuns, or the mullahs of the day,
over the rest of the population in meting out punishment for
crimes and allocating resources [professions] other than those
that tradition dictated. His descendant, Prithvi Narayan Shah,
Pun says, merely followed Ram Shah's footsteps in treatment
of the different castes of the day although he advocated unity
in diversity with his Sabai Jatko Fulbari dictum.
After Rana Bahadur's assassination, some time
later, political power began to be monopolized by the Shah-Chhetri
coalition, Pun says and concludes that this led the Magars and
Gurungs to seek alternative employment by joining British-Indian
forces. The then governments continued not only the exclusion
they had been practicing but in fact began imposing the Aryan
culture on the Matwales, the ethnic groups and other castes.
Jung Bahadur codified the tradition to the extent that even
today's society sees the Bahun-Chhetri-Newar troika dominating
every government institution.
Pun vouches for an affirmative action to bring
the other caste-ethnic groups into the mainstream through positive
discrimination. This should not mean that Nepal blindly follow
examples from other countries, particularly India, but learn
from mistakes that are there to see. The point of entry to and
vertical movement in government institution must be the areas
of intervention for greater inclusiveness, he says.
Laxmi Kesari Manandhar: You have not
included in your discussion the Malla period which has handed
down a rich cultural heritage to us.
Talking of inclusion, the issues of Janajati,
Dalit and women have also been talked of in the public sphere.
But, you do not appear to touch on women.
Vidyanath Nepal: The exclusion that
you portrayed has been accepted all. Poverty in the far west
and the general exclusion do not need to be reiterated. Our
concern should be about how to address them. Both the peace
accord and the interim constitution have not addressed them.
I feel that a master plan is needed for the vision of a new
Nepal, one related with poverty alleviation in the disadvantaged
areas and communities.
Regarding landholding and distributive justice
we do not have large holdings to merit attention. We should
rather stress on growth-oriented farm policy.
Mohan Lohani: Opportunity must be provided
to the backward and marginalized communities.
Suman Dhakal: Inclusiveness does not
appear to be there in any institution. What makes you think
reservation will give us a way out and what could be its negative
aspects, particularly in our context?
Bijaya Shrestha: Inclusive policies must be
enforced with commitment to have the excluded groups included.
Gender, regional and economic perspectives must be adopted to
analyze the state of discrimination.
What could the groups that need affirmative
action in today's context?
Krishna Belbase: The Newar among the
Bahun-Chhetri-Newar troika identifies itself as a Janjati. What
could be the impact of distribution of privileges to the Janajatis
on the Newars? But, again, they have already benefited as a
member of the troika.
I feel autonomy for the local level is better
than a federal structure. One can have local level autonomy
even in a unitary situation. For example, the Dalits may not
have their state in spite of their 13 per cent share in population
while even 2 per cent population, like the Kirats, may have
their own state.
Ramesh Singh: The data that you have
taken does not give the whole picture, for example, the ethnic
mix of officials that you provide only lists up to the undersecretary
level. If you go up to the secretary level, the picture may
In the army too, you should not take the technical
jobs as an inclusion issue, as that comes only after education
and training. The picture may change if you make such discrimination
in your analysis.
Mohan Man Sainju: Analysis on inclusion
cannot be complete until the gender aspect is analyzed.
The paper talks little about the way forward.
Other authors too have yet to do that. I suggest that our efforts
are sustained. Extra efforts need to be made, like positive
discrimination and affirmative action, and that needs to begin
at the grassroots.
Since poverty alleviation in rural areas is
the key, let me tell you something about our experiences. At
the Poverty Alleviation Fund, we focused our attention on the
Dalits and women. Over 85 per cent Janjatis and Dalits were
included in the programmes and over 50 per cent women. The successes
pushed the fund to expand its programmes to more districts.
Lal Babu Yadav: What does inclusiveness
mean, in term of theoretical knowledge? You should also give
a picture of the Dalits and women.
What is the definition of Madhesh and Tarai?
You should include the Tarai in your analysis
of the village leadership.
I too agree that you have missed out on gender
analysis. Not even one woman minister is found in today's cabinet
on behalf of the Nepali Congress.
I do not believe that inclusion will solve
all problems. Neither does federalism bring about inclusiveness.
This is shown by the cases in India and the United States. Higher
percentage in leadership does not guarantee wellbeing of the
population that the percentage represents.
Ananda Srestha: The media has not been
included in the analysis. Also, portrayal of the share of the
pie at the decision-making level of ethnic groups should make
Reservation could also bring problems, like
meritocracy getting marginalized. For example what about poor
Brahmins who have the merit?
Ujjwal Baral: Should inclusiveness
include only politics or should merit also be scrapped to make
way for inclusiveness? The way to manage inclusiveness has not
been charted out in spite of the loud slogans of inclusiveness.
Should we be including also those going abroad for work? What
about including Brahmins where they are in minority?
Indu Acharya: What does inclusion mean--
is it on the basis of class, caste or financial status? The
paper does not touch upon the issues related with the health
You also talk of the privileged class, please
define. Is the Bahun in Humla privileged?
There is a lot of inclusion in NGOs.
I doubt if structural changes can bring about
inclusiveness. It needs to be practiced in behaviour.
Bihari K. Shrestha: I believe that
federalism is not needed at all. Federalism opens the way to
opportunism. If we devolve powers to the local level, our problems
can be solved. Basic opportunities should be accessible to all
groups. This should allow us room for complaint. There will
always be those privileged and those not so.
Ganga Thapa: Is the lack of inclusiveness
a constitutional problem? If it is not so, then it must be a
What could be the prescriptions for inclusiveness?
Again, democracy is supposed to be inclusive,
why then talk of inclusive democracy?
Karna Bahadur Thapa: We need to follow
the nation's history. Our transition has been very slow because
we have not been able to chart the course we should take.
We see that old elites and new elites have
ganged up against the people in today's context.
If you can portray your picture on both micro
and macro levels, it may give a better picture.
There are areas in Nepal where the British
and Indian armies have been providing exclusive service to Janjatis
alone, through welfare centres, and not others.
Economic development is one issue while politics
Please differentiate these issues and provide
the necessary way out.
Surendra KC: Rather than Ram Shah,
you should have quoted some modern social scientist.
Reservation does not guarantee that everything
will work. In India, they have found its negative impact on
the bureaucratic leadership.
We know that many of the Chhetris are also
descendants of Janjatis.
The Ochtorlony convention was not a treaty
and was not a formal treaty to allow recruitment of the Nepalese
by the British army. Only after 1949, did such recruitment begin
officially. We know that it was the British who excluded the
Chhetris from their army; and even the Rais and Limbus until
late. Today, we take money from the same British and say that
the Magars have been excluded in Nepalese institutions.
We also have the tendency to be exclusive
in our own dealings but slam others for not being inclusive.
We need experts to rule us.
Jitendra Dhoj Khand: Not four, but
five, castes is the actual number. A Brahmin is one who knows
Brahma and everyone becomes one when he preaches.
The issue of inclusiveness rose because people
started demanding something that was prepared by someone else.
Prem Sharma: Is mechanical representation,
one where the share of percentage is reflected in the share
of privileges, the real solution.
Access to resources has been enjoyed by those near it. How will
we ever come out of it? We see that even reservation does not
solve our problem?
Santa Bahadur Pun's reply
Description of a way forward is indeed weak in my paper.
I did not go to the dictionary to seek the
meaning of inclusion; I agree that you could also have your
own perspective on the term.
Regarding the data in the paper, I tried to
reach several institutions to find it. I found it difficult
to get, even in my own previous corporation.
The terms like Tarai or Madhes that I have
used follows what I found in official documents.
I tried to include the police data, but could
You appear to believe that I am for federalism
and reservation, but I do not recall writing anything on ethnic
provinces. I am in fact ignorant of the benefits of federalism
Dr. Harka Gurung talks about political representation
and education opportunity as the way forward. Also the Newars
have gone to the Janajati network from the Bahun, Chhetri and
Inclusion is needed in economics, society and politics.
The inclusion that the author talked about
is a governance issue. But we must not sacrifice the ground
for competition in the name of inclusion as it would lead to
the phase of institutional decay and could even move towards
Geography, gender and even environmental issues
must be taken into consideration to avert conflict and prevent
poverty from afflicting us. Poverty allows conflict to grow.
Prosperity is a big factor in mitigating conflict. Conflict
appears when there is mistake committed in sharing the available
resources. It is for equality and non discrimination that we
talk of federalism and autonomy. We should be able to devise
a scheme to include everyone in the democratic and development
process. They would also be allowed to participate in all kinds
Also, let us not think that politics is the
overarching tool that can be used. There are other issues that
influence issues and result in conflict. Even the ecology can
Vote of thanks by Ananda Srestha